The Earl of Dalhousie commenting on his administration of India, 28 February 1856

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2. When I sailed from England in the winter of 1847, to assume the Government of India, there prevailed universal conviction among public men at home that permanent peace had at length been secured in the East. Before the summer came, we were already involved in the second Sikh war.

That we were so, was due to no precipitation or fault of ours. The murder of the British officers at Mooltan, and the open rebellion of the Dewan Moolraj, were not made pretext for quarrel with the Government of Lahore. On the contrary, the offence of the Dewan Moolraj was sedulously distinguished from national wrong. The Sikhs themselves were called upon to punish Moolraj as a rebel against their own sovereign, and to exact reparation for the British Government, whose protection they had previously invoked.

But when it was seen that the spirit of the whole Sikh people was inflamed by the bitterest animosity against us; when chief after chief deserted our cause, until nearly their whole army, led by sirdars who had signed the treaties, and by members of the Council of Regency itself, was openly arrayed against us; when, above all, it was seen that the Sikhs, in their eagerness for our destruction, had even combined in unnatural alliance with Dost Mahomed Khan and his Mahomedan tribes; it became manifest that there was no alternative left. The question for us was no longer one of policy or of expediency, but one of national safety.

Accordingly, the government put forth its power. After a prolonged campaign, and a struggle severe and anxious the Sikhs wore utterly defeated and subdued; the Afghans were driven with ignominy through the mountains, and the Punjab became a British province.

3. When little more than two years had passed, the Government of India again was suddenly engaged in hostilities with Burman.

Certain British raiders in the port of Rangoon had been subjected to gross outrage by the officers of the King of Ava, in direct violation of the treaty of Yandaboo.

Holding to the wisdom of Lord Wellesley's maxim, that an insult offered to the British flag at the mouth of the Ganges should be resented as promptly and as fully as an insult offered at the mouth of the Thames, I should, under any circumstances, have regarded it as sound policy to exact reparation for wrong done to British subjects from any native state. But our relations with the Burmese Court, and the policy it had long pursued towards us, imposed upon the Government of India, at the time to which I refer, the absolute necessity of exacting from it reparation for the systematic violation of treaty, of which British traders had now made formal complaint.

Of all the Eastern nations with which the Government of India has had to do, the Burmese were the most arrogant and overbearing.

During the years since the treaty with them had been concluded, they had treated it with disregard, and had been allowed to disregard it with impunity. They had been permitted to worry away our envoys by petty annoyances from their court; and their insolence had even been tolerated, when at last they vexed our Commercial Agent at Rangoon into silent departure from their port. Inflated by such indirect concessions as these, the Burmans had assumed again the tone they used before the war of 1825. On more than one occasion they had threatened recommencement of hostilities against us; and always at the most untoward time.

However contemptible the Burman race may seem to critics in Europe, they have ever been regarded in the East as formidable in the extreme. Only five and twenty years before, the news of their march towards Chittagong had raised a panic in the bazaars of Calcutta itself; and even in the late war a rumour of their supposed approach spread consternation in the British districts of Assam and Arracan.

If deliberate and gross wrong should be tamely borne from such a people as this, without vindication of our rights or exaction of reparation for the wrong-whether the motive of our inaction were desire of peace or contempt for the Burman power-it was felt that the policy would be full of danger. For the Government of India could never, consistently with its own safety, permit itself to stand for a single day in an attitude of inferiority towards a native power, and least of all towards the Court of Ava.

Every effort was made to obtain reparation by friendly means. The reparation required was no more than compensation for the actual loss incurred. But every effort was vain. Our demands were evaded; our officers were insulted. The warnings which we gave were treated with disregard; and the period of grace which we allowed was employed by the Burmese in strengthening their fortifications, and in making every preparation for resistance.

Thereupon the Government of India dispatched a powerful expedition to Pegu; and within a few weeks the whole of the coast of Burmah, with all its defences, was in our possession.

Even then the Government of India abstained from further operations for several months, in the hope that, profiting by experience, the King of Ava would yet accede to our just demands.

But our forbearance was fruitless. Accordingly, in the end of 1852, the British troops took possession of the kingdom of Pegu, and the territory was retained, in order that the Government of India might hold from the Burman state, both adequate compensation for past injury and the best security
against future danger.

4. Since hostilities with Burmah ceased, the Indian empire has been at peace.

No prudent man, who has any knowledge of Eastern affairs, would ever venture to predict the maintenance of continued peace within our Eastern possessions. Experience, frequent hard and recent experience, has taught us that war from without, or rebellion from within, may at any time be raised against us, in quarters where they were the least to be expected, and by the most feeble and unlikely instruments. No man, therefore, can ever prudently hold forth assurance of continued peace in India.

But, having regard to the relation in which the Government of India stands towards each of the several foreign powers around it, I think it may be safely said that there seems to be no quarter from which formidable war can reasonably be apprehended at present.

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6. For nearly 40 years, Nipal has faithfully observed the peace she bought so dearly. Her minister, sagacious and able, has himself been witness of the vast resources of our power, during his recent visit to Europe. He has been for some time engaged in a war with Thibet, which has been productive of heavy charge, while it has brought neither power nor profit to Nipal, and must have given umbrage to China, whose tributary she is. From Nipal, therefore, there is even less probability of hostility now, than in any one of the 40 years during which she has in good faith observed the peace which she solemnly bound herself to maintain and which her obvious interests recommend.

7. Maharajah Golab Sing, of Jummoo and Cashmere, so long as he lives, will never depart from the submissive policy he announced, with unmistakable sincerity in his air, when in Durbar at Wuzeerabad he caught my dress in his hands, and cried aloud, `Thus I grasp the skirts of the British Government, and I will never let go my hold.'

And when, as must soon be, the Maharajah shall pass away, his son, Meean Rumbeer Sing, will have enough to do to maintain his ground against rivals of his own blood, without giving any cause of offence to a powerful neighbour, which. he well knows can crush him at his will.

8. On the western border, a treaty has been made with the Khan of Kelat, whereby he becomes the friend of our friends, and the enemy of our enemies, and engages to give us temporary possession of such positions within his territory as we may at any time require for purposes of defence.

9. Lastly, a treaty was concluded during the past year with the Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan of Cabool. It bound him to be the friend of our friends and the enemy of our enemies, while it imposed no corresponding obligation upon us, from which inconvenience or embarrassment could arise. The Ameer himself sought our friendship, and he has already shown that he regards it as a tower of strength.

Thus the enmity which existed through many years, and which was aggravated by the Afghan policy of 1849, has happily been removed, without any sacrifice upon our part, and to our manifest advantage. An alliance has been timely formed with the leading Afghan state, upon the solid basis of common interest against a common enemy. Already, the consequences of the treaty have developed themselves in the conquest of Candahar by the Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan; an event which has largely increased the Ameer's power, while it has brought to pass for us, that every portion of our western frontier, from the Himalayas even to the sea, is now covered against hostile attack by the barrier of a treaty with a friendly power.

I venture to think that the Court of Directors will see in this brief summary ample reason to be content with the condition in which I leave the relations of the Honourable East India Company with every foreign state around its borders.

10. As regards the internal tranquillity of the empire, I have already observed that no man can presume to warrant its continuance, with certainty, for a day. In territories and among a population so vast, occasional disturbance must needs prevail. Raids and forays are, and will still be, reported from the western frontier. From time to time marauding expeditions will descend into the plains, and again expeditions to punish the marauders will penetrate the hills. Nor can it be expected but that, among races so various and multitudes so innumerable, local outbreaks will from time to time occur, as little looked for as that of the Sonthal tribe in the Damun-i-koh.

But the rising of the Sonthal tribe has been repressed, and measures of precaution have been taken, such as may be expected to prevent all risk of its recurrence.

With respect to the frontier raids, they are and must for the present be viewed as events inseparable from the state of society which for centuries past has existed among the mountain tribes. They are no more to be regarded as interruptions of the general peace in India, than the street brawls which appear among the every-day proceedings of a police court in London are regarded as indications of the existence of civil war in England.

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12. During the eight years over which we now look back, the British territories in the East have been largely increased. Within that time, four kingdoms have passed under the sceptre of the Queen of England; and various chiefships and separate tracts have been brought under her sway.

13. The kingdom of the Punjab and the kingdom of Pegu were the fruits of conquest, which followed upon the wars whose origin and issue have been already stated.

14. The kingdom of Nagpore became British territory by simple lapse, in the absence of all legal heirs. The kingdom, which had been granted to the reigning Rajah by the British Government when it had become forfeited by the treachery of Appa Sahib, was left without a claimant when the Rajah died. No son had been born to his Highness; none had been adopted by him; none, as they had themselves admitted, was adopted at the Rajah's death by the Ranees his widows. There remained no one male of the line, who descended from the stock and bore the name of Bhonslah.

The British Government, therefore, refused to bestow the territory in free gift upon a stranger, and wisely incorporated it with its own dominions.

15. Lastly, the kingdom of Oude has been assumed in perpetual government for the Honourable East India Company in pursuance of a policy which has so recently been under the consideration of the Honourable Court, that I deem it unnecessary to refer to it more particularly here.

16. The principality of Sattara was included in the British territories in 1849, by right of lapse, the Rajah having died without male heir.

17. In like manner the chiefship of Jhansie has reverted to the possession of the Indian Government.

18. Lastly, by a treaty concluded in 1853, his Highness the Nizam has assigned in perpetual government to the Honourable East India Company the province of Berar, and other districts of his state, for the permanent maintenance of the Hyderabad Contingent, for the payment of certain debts which he had incurred, and for the termination of those transactions which for many years had been the fruitful source of dispute, and had even endangered the continuance of friendly relations between the states.

19. By the several territorial acquisitions which have just been enumerated, a revenue of not less than four millions sterling (4,000,000 l.) has been added to the annual income of the Indian empire.

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25. The several new provinces, whose government we have assumed, have been administered in tranquillity and with success.

The remarkable results which have attended the labours of the able and eminent men, to whom was committed the charge of the province of the Punjab, are now familiar to Parliament and to the country. I feel it to be unnecessary to add even a single word to the Punjab reports already submitted to the Honourable Court, which explain how internal peace has been guarded, how the various establishments of the state have been organized, how violent crime been repressed, the penal law executed and prison discipline enforced; how civil justice has been administered; how the taxation has been fixed and the revenues collected; how commerce has been set free, agriculture fostered, and the national resources developed, how plans for future improvement have been projected, and, lastly, how the finances have been managed [First Punjab Report, p. 462].

26. In the province of Pegu the results of our administration have been satisfactory in a high degree, though they have neither the brilliancy nor the interest which attaches to the labours of the local officers in the Punjab.

But in Pegu also we have the satisfaction of knowing, that, in spite of the peculiar discouragements and heavy difficulties with which our officers have had to contend, complete tranquillity has long since been established. The people, lightly taxed, and well to do, are highly contented with our rule. Order and quiet prevail throughout the districts. Even in Tharrawaddy, which, under the Burman rule, was the permanent refuge of rebellion and crime, all outrage has ceased. The rivers, the great highways of the country, watched by an effective police, are traversed in safety by all. Trade is rapidly increasing. A new port has been founded for the new European trade which has at once sprung up; and, light as taxation is, the revenue has already exceeded the amount at which I estimated its probable measure; for it is expected that 27 lakhs will be collected this year.

Population alone is wanting. When that deficiency shall have been supplied, the province of Pegu will equal Bengal in fertility of production, and will surpass it in every other respect.

27. The anticipations of those who believed that the renewal of British authority in Nagpore would be hailed with lively satisfaction by the whole population of the province have been more than fulfilled by the event.

The Raj was transferred by a simple order to the possession of the British Crown. Not one additional soldier was moved into the province. Our civil administration has been introduced into every district. Such portion of the army as was required has been embodied and disciplined in our pay; while the rest have been pensioned, or discharged with a handsome gratuity. Perfect contentment and quiet prevail. Beyond the palace walls not a murmur has been heard; and in no single instance throughout the districts has the public peace been disturbed.

28. Equally happy results have attended the assignment which the Nizam was persuaded to make of the districts belonging to the state of Hyderabad.

In the possession of Berar and the neighbouring districts of Nagpore, the British Government, it deserves to be remembered, has secured the finest cotton tracts which are known to exist in all the continent of India; and thus has opened up a great additional channel of supply, through which to make good a felt deficiency in the staple of one great branch of its manufacturing industry.

Since the assignment was made all disputes with the Nizam have ceased.

Though the districts assigned were covered with places of defence, the famous fortress of Gawilghur among the rest, and although they were garrisoned by Arabs or Rohillas, yet all were delivered over submissively and at once, and not a single shot was fired in anger.

There also the civil administration has been introduced. Crime-especially the violent crime of dacoity--has already much diminished. The revenue is already rapidly increasing. The public tranquillity has not been disturbed by even a single popular tumult; and the admirable little army, which was formerly the Nizam's Contingent, but which is now a British force, is available for any service for which it may be required.

29. The assumption of the government of Oude is an event too recent to admit of any record being given of the progress that has been made towards the organization of its future administration. The government of the province was assumed on the 7th of this month. Up to the present time no resistance has been attempted, no disturbance of the public peace has occurred. The troops of the king are contentedly taking service in our pay; and thus far at least no zemindar or chief has refused submission to our authority.

A complete civil administration has been prepared, and the military force which it was intended to retain had been fully organized, before negotiations were opened with the King. Officers had been named to every appointment. The best men that could be found available were selected from the civil and military services for the new offices in Oude, and the Government has every reason to anticipate that they will achieve an equal degree of success, as those to whom similar tasks have previously been committed.

30. It is not, however, in the new provinces alone that great changes have been brought to pass. When the Statute of 1833 expired, material and important changes were made by the hand of Parliament upon the frame of the administration itself. Of these, two principal measures are worthy of note.

31. Until that time the local government of Bengal had been placed in the hands of the Governor-General of India. But in the year 183 the system, by which the officer charged with the responsibility of controlling the government of all India was further burdened with local duties of vast extent and importance, was happily abandoned. The Governor-General was finally liberated from the obligation of performing an impossible task, and a Lieutenant-Governor was appointed to the charge of Bengal alone.

The importance of this measure cannot be overrated.

32. At the same time another great change was introduced, equally novel in its character, and not less important.

A Council was appointed as the Legislature of India, which was no longer identical with the Supreme Council, but included divers other members, and exercised its functions by separate and distinct proceedings of its own.

The organization of the Legislative Council proved to be a work which involved great labour, and was attended with many difficulties. The proceedings of the Council, however, were speedily reduced to form. The duties of legislation have subsequently been laboriously, and faithfully performed. The public has long since had access to its deliberations. Its debates and papers are printed and published; and I trust, and believe, that Parliament and the public will each year see reason to be more and more content with the manner in which the Legislative Council of India will fulfill the purposes for which it was established.

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41. Seven years ago the heir apparent to the King of Delhi died. He was the last of the race who had been born in the purple. The Court of Directors was accordingly advised to decline to recognize any other heir apparent, and to permit the kingly title to fall into abeyance upon the death of the present King, who even then was a very aged man. The Honourable Court accordingly conveyed to the Government of India authority to terminate the dynasty of Timour, whenever the reigning King should die. But as it was found that, although the Honourable Court had consented to the measure, it had given its consent with great reluctance, I abstained from making use of the authority which had been given to me. The grandson of the King was recognized as heir apparent; but only on condition that he should quit the palace in Delhi in order to reside in the palace at the Kootub; and that he should, as King, receive the Governor-General of India at all times on terms of perfect equality.

42. The Nawab Nazim of Bengal having permitted a cruel murder, by the infliction of bastinado, to be committed within his jurisdiction, and almost at the door of his tent, his Highness's peculiar jurisdiction and legal exemption were taken away from him; and he was subjected to the disgrace of losing a large portion of the salute of honour which he has previously received.

43. During the last autumn the Nawab of the Carnatic very suddenly died.

As the treaty by which the Musnud of the Carnatic was conferred on his Highness's predecessor was exclusively a personal one; as the Nawab had left no male heir; and as both he and his family had disreputably abused the dignity of their position, and the large share of public revenue which had been allotted to them; the Court of Directors has been advised to place the title of Nawab in abeyance, granting fitting pensions to the several members of the Carnatic family.

44. Very shortly after the death of the Nawab of the Carnatic, the Rajah of Tanjore deceased. He left no son, and no male heir, direct or indirect, who bore his name. The Honourable Court was therefore advised to resume the large stipend which the Rajah had enjoyed, as a lapse to the Government, pensions being granted to the members of the family as in all similar cases.

From: A. Berriedale Keith, ed. Speeches and Documents on Indian Policy, 1750-1921. Vol. I. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1922, 284-298.